[iDC] Periodizing cinematic production
Brian Holmes
brian.holmes at aliceadsl.fr
Tue Sep 8 23:03:37 UTC 2009
Dear Jon, Davin, Keith, Michael, Jodi, Sean, everyone -
Thanx to all for the excellent discussions, I've been traveling but
following them all with interest. I am now gonna respond primarily to
Jon but maybe I can slip some other stuff in there too...
Jonathan Beller wrote:
"... the new perceptual pyrotechnics of the commodity, its ability
(along with audio-recording) to overcome "the bottleneck of the
signifier" (as Kittler brilliantlly puts it) by creating data streams on
non-linguistic band-withs, radically transforms subjectivity, and with
it all forms of knowledge that depended upon that subject-form. It is
for this reason that we can trace postmodern constructions of intensity,
affect, structure of feeling, etc. to this techno-material
transformation. They are the result of the entry of what we have been
calling technology into the very fabric of our being, such that we are
indistinguishable from our machines. For me, it was the opening of the
sensual pathways to vectors of industrial scale that made this
transformation complete."
Jon, it seems to me that the above gets at the core of your book and
points toward its fundamental contribution. One could quibble over the
industrial circulation of photographic images in an age of the
manufactured commodity preceding assembly-line production, or one could
look closely at the many odd and curious devices of proto-cinema as
Keith Sanborn suggested - but clearly the reason your work is so
interesting is that you deal with this fully industrialized form of the
visual commodity and reveal not only its power of fascination but also
its mobilizing capacity in the context of production. Perhaps more
urgently one could argue that the double power of
fascination-mobilization embodied for a time in cinema goes on to take
new forms over the course of twentieth-century history. As Sean has
pointed out so incisively, the raster is a very different form than the
projector, and I'd add that only the combination of raster-screen and
networked computer could offer a visual technology for globally
coordinated just-in-time production and its financialized management,
i.e. the current economic system of flexible accumulation. Indeed, I'd
argue that informatic modulation of the pixellated grid has helped give
rise to an original form of subjectivity, what I call the flexible
personality, which remains to be fully understood and contested and
hopefully transformed.
I've already suggested that someone seeking to go beyond The Cinematic
Mode of Production - that is, to subject it to a real Aufhebung - would
have to insert both the technologies and the subjective transformations
of cinema into a historical narrative that includes social conflict at
its core. In the same way one would simultaneously have to examine the
destinies of assembly-line production to see how they changed the
worker, the state, the distribution system and the figures of
user/consumer desire, until finally all these transformed the production
system itself, precipitating a new "paradigm." Social movements,
technical inventions, theoretical and artistic interventions, as well as
responses to those by capital, the state and contesting forces would all
have to be integrated to the story. To do this would be a tall order but
on the other hand, it would be a hell of a complement to your book! It
would give rise to a much deeper and more useful social history of
communications, allowing one to evaluate the potentials and gains of
dissenting appropriations of media without ever forgetting the systemic
inertia of established powers. It could also deliver us from the kind of
pure tableau of domination which too many American Marxists fall into,
and which is one reason why we have such a hard time contributing to any
overcoming of the present situation.
A way to start would be to take the perspective of one of the most
prescient analysts of assembly-line production. I mean Gramsci in the
famous passage from Americanism and Fordism where he looks at the
subjective effects of Taylorization and speculates on their social
consequences. This passage deserves to be quoted at length:
"Once the process of adaptation [to the assembly line] has been
completed, what really happens is that the brain of the worker, far from
being mummified, reaches a state of complete freedom. The only thing
that is completely mechanised is the physical gesture; the memory of the
trade, reduced to simple gestures repeated at an intense rhythm,
'nestles' in the muscular and nervous centres and leaves the brain free
and unencumbered for other occupations. One can walk without having to
think about all the movements needed in order to move, in perfect
synchronisation, all the parts of the body, in the specific way that is
necessary for walking. The same thing happens and will go on happening
in industry with the basic gestures of the trade. One walks
automatically, and at the same time thinks about whatever one chooses.
American industrialists have understood all too well this dialectic
inherent in the new industrial methods. They have understood that
'trained gorilla' is just a phrase, that 'unfortunately' the worker
remains a man and even that during his work he thinks more, or at least
has greater opportunities for thinking, once he has overcome the crisis
of adaptation without being eliminated: and not only does the worker
think, but the fact that he gets no immediate satisfaction from his work
and realises that they are trying to reduce him to a trained gorilla,
can lead him into a train of thought that is far from conformist. That
the industrialists are concerned about such things is made clear from a
whole series of cautionary measures and 'educative' initiatives which
are well brought out in Ford's books."
The Cinematic Mode of Production exposes very well the process whereby
looking at flickering sequences of coordinated jump-cuts helps the
intense rhythm of factory work to "nestle in the muscular and nervous
centers." In fact, it quotes that little bit of Gramsci's text, in
support of the larger and more complex idea that to look is to labor.
The book does not have near enough to say, however, about the freedom of
thinking that Gramsci describes, or about its prolongations in cinema
itself. OK, CMP is a polemic, no problem, that's what I like about it.
But anyone wishing to understand the revolutionary experience of factory
work and the way it changed the communications media would surely have
to add another angle of approach to the assembly line and to cinematic
production. One could refer, for example, to a great text drawn directly
from the Black American experience in industry, which is The American
Revolution by James Boggs (published 1964), specifically the opening
chapter on "The Rise and the Fall of the Union." For those who don't
know it, the book is archived at an aptly named site,
www.historyisaweapon.org. Check out this brief look back over the rise
of factory workers' struggles:
"The CIO came in the 1930's. It came when the United States, which had
fought in the war of 1917 and built up large-scale industry out of the
technological advances of that war, was in a state of economic collapse,
with over 12 million unemployed. The workers in the plant began to
organize in the underground fashion which such a movement always takes
before a great social reform - in the cellars, the bars, the garages
[...] From 1935 to the entry of the United States into the war in 1941,
we saw in this country the greatest period of industrial strife and
workers' struggle for control of production that the United States has
ever known. We saw more people than ever before become involved and
interested in the labor movement as a social movement. Those who worked
in the plants under a new Magna Carta of labor, the great Wagner Act,
not only had a new outlook where their own lives were concerned. They
also had the power to intimidate management, from the foremen up to the
top echelons, forcing them to yield to workers' demands whenever
production standards were in dispute. When management did not yield, the
workers pulled the switches and shut down production until it did yield.
So extensive was their control of production that they forced management
to hire thousands and thousands of workers who would not otherwise have
been hired. [...] In the flux of the Second World War, the workers
created inside the plants a life and a form of sociability higher than
has ever been achieved by man in industrial society. For one thing, the
war meant the entry into the plants of women workers, Negro workers,
Southern workers, and people from all strata, including professors,
artists, and radicals who would never have entered the plant before,
either because of their race, sex, social status, or radical background.
With the war going on, you had a social melting pot in the plant, a
sharing of different social, political, cultural, and regional
experiences and backgrounds."
I suppose we all realize that this kind of organized yet heterogeneous
resistance to the powers of both capital and the state was the only
reason that Roosevelt was compelled to radicalize his initial program of
reforms and to institute the National Labor Relations Act, or Wagner
Act, as part of the Second New Deal - the kind of enabling legislation
that Obama, who is deeply afraid of any social conflict, has not yet
even considered. That much history is still remembered. But in order to
regain the sense of history as a weapon we would need to understand the
kinds of productive freedoms that Gramsci foresaw in gestation at the
Ford plant, and that Boggs describes from his first-hand experience. One
way to grasp what's still possible today - the Marxist or other
alternative to the current round of expropriation and redoubling of
control - is to read and also to *watch* the history of industrial
resistance and the seizure of immediate power over one's own existence.
I know I'm dreaming, but I'm dreaming of a history of cinema that would
be written simultaneously as an analysis of the techniques of domination
AND as a chapter in the history of workers' autonomy, running from
Eisenstein's and Vertov's films through Chaplin's Modern Times, to
Italian neo-realism and all the way to Marker's recently released
Medvedkine Group films realized at a factory in Besancon in 1967-78, or
for that matter, the film "Finally Got the News" recounting Black labor
struggles in Detroit where Boggs himself worked. To recast cinema as
entirely, inevitably, inextricably bound to capitalist control, no, that
seems too much to me, humanity is just a little stronger, stranger and
more refractory than that, more resistant in a word. And so is activist
media in my opinion.
Another of the things that you could grasp through such a history is the
way that capitalism reacted to the threat of workers' autonomy,
reforming itself as I just said, creating the Welfare State, but only in
order to contain the new-found agency of the popular classes. Gramsci
saw that possibility of preemptive reform, when he spoke of the
"cautionary measures and educative initiatives" that Ford was already
developing in the 1920s. Ford understood that he would have to moralize
the workers, to provide all sorts of subtle social presures and
incentives in order to keep them under control. However, it was Walter
Reuther, at the head of the AFL-CIO, who finally institutionalized the
strict neutralization of workers' self-organization by reducing union
action to wage bargaining divorced from any considerations of workers'
control over the productie process. Two generations after Gramsci, Boggs
describes the way that the union movement was definitively absorbed into
the state. For him, there is no real union after 1947 (which, not
coincidentally, is the year the Cold War began). And as I said in an
earlier post, there is a powerful media aspect to this domestic
containment strategy.
I think we would have to understand television - and the process of
feedback control over consumers that I call "Neilsenism" - as the media
equivalent of the entire range of Welfare State procedures that
gradually reduced worker's autonomy, psychically molding the population
to its double role as subjugated producer and debilitated consumer.
Television is cinema's migration to a raster screen that is centrally
controlled, whereby images are inscribed in carefully monitored feedback
loops that close tightly around the subject's desire. No longer would
"dreams rise in the darkness and catch fire from the mirage of moving
light," as they did for the wretched proto-fascist portrayed by Celine
in Journey to the End of the Night. The terrifying desires of fascism,
but also the threatening utopia of communism, were tamed by television's
predictable and serial flux, domesticated, fixed to the modest
proportions of a tawdry little image that could entertain you like a
family member in your living room, on the condition of giving up the
wild city and its dangerous crowds. But even during the period of TV's
ascendancy, I think you'd have to look at the French New Wave and all
the wild films of the 60s - including Latin American and African
examples - as a last cry of cinematic revolt, as an extraordinary
flare-up of visual intelligence that breathed some fresh inspiration and
mobility into dissenting politics on the street. Similarly, I think that
artistic uses of the new portable videocams from the late 60s onward
represent a key part of the struggle against televisually imposed norms
of behavior.
I believe that you can write history as an activist, and I am curious
about the way that the many other writers on the list feel about this
possibility. Where the utopians and the opportunists see their
profitable paradise in Web 2.0, and where the academic doomsayers see a
technology of total administration and control, what I see is the
opening of a fresh round of very sharp struggles over the latest
developments of communications media. Walter Benjamin was clearly aware
that in a dialectical apprehension of society, where contrasting forces
appear as distinct aspects of a single historical process, what's needed
to make a difference is always some kind of tiger's leap outside the
closed circle of the present - whether it comes in a subtle, silent,
gliding motion or maybe with a desperate roar. That's how an activist
understands the appropriation of the media today: as a leap out of the
contemporary laboring process with all its powers and constraints, as
they cohere into a deeply predatory society where what we are constantly
made to work on are the contents of each other's heads - and hearts, end
eyes, and wallets, and sexuality and motivation and all the rest. Jon
wrote in his last post that oppositional media is about "restructuring
affect, creating community, generating movement by reprogramming at
every level." I have tried to redefine tactical media activism along
exactly those lines, in what many will no doubt consider an extreme form:
http://brianholmes.wordpress.com/2007/07/21/swarmachine
Anyone who knows the history of the Internet knows that when it emerged
in a few universities in the course of the 70s and 80s it was wildly
under-determined: abandoned by the military for more secure networks, it
was an experimental congeries of odd and mismatched bits, open to
unpredictable destinies. When the portable computer was connected to the
raster screen and the network, a new mode of production began to emerge
and a new set of routines began to nestle in the nervous system, shaping
and molding individuals and groups but also allowing them to open up new
spaces of resistance and freedom. TV may well be a "legacy technology"
of cinema - its full-control mode - but the Internet marks a new
paradigm, associated with just-in-time manufacturing, containerized
transport, viral marketing, the entire toolkit of globalization. Today
we see the net as an enormous and threatening control device at the
center of the world system, yet still we feel it as a meshwork of
possibilities, a dangerous gift, a poisonous remedy. Such is the deep
ambiguity of contemporary communications media.
I know that a dialectical history of the networked media is possible,
because I have helped write it over the last ten years, along with
thousands of others. But what seems most interesting in this forum is
the possibility to expand from present experience into much longer
histories, in order to get some feel for the way that a crisis and a
bifurcation of civilization unfolds. Because I don't see any way around
it: the ambiguous condition of political expression on the net and the
increasingly precarious condition of living labor in the globalized
society of flexible accumulation are coming together in what promises to
be a long series of crises, each deeper than the previous one, until
some more tenable mode of regulation for the whole human and planetary
ecology is found. Isn't the tension of the coming struggles what a fully
dialectical history of the communications media would reveal? Could we
not contribute to possible alternatives by recovering the stakes of
previous passages, and showing the importance of what is actually
happening right now and what will happen in the very near future?
best, Brian
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