[iDC] The difference between privacy and anonymity
Brian Holmes
brian.holmes at aliceadsl.fr
Tue Sep 29 09:00:31 UTC 2009
john sobol wrote:
> to my mind, the stance that you celebrate in the Tiqqun
> writings, Brian, while entirely suitable for a self-centred teenager,
> is not really a mature perspective that recognizes life's
> complexities or the more subtle forms of human agency.
Well, for the record I don't celebrate them, I just mention them as the
latest expression of a concept and practice of de-individualization that
has appeared and been acted on in Europe over the last fifteen years at
least. There is a link between Agamben, who wrote in Tiqqun, and the
younger members of the group who went on to write The Coming
Insurrection and get themselves arrested by the French police. Although
I never personally had much to do with any of them, or even particularly
liked their writing, I do find it intriguing that young people should be
inspired to revolt by philosophical concepts -- concepts which, by the
way, were particularly influential during the past big wave of social
activism in France in 2006, when millions of young people protested
against new flexible labor laws.
It so happens I am reading Marcuse's Eros and Civilization right now -
one of the inspirations for the events of May 68, when protesters
carried placards reading "Marx Mao Marcuse." It seems to me that in the
present age of the "less lethal weapons" that Paul Miller just posted
about (a number of which I saw in action at the RNC in summer '08) one
of the things that this country really needs is a youth revolt against
our increasingly oppressive social order. Maybe we could in fact learn
something from those young Europeans? Maybe both philosophy and art have
a political value as sources of the desire for a better life, and of the
courage to refuse the one that we are being offered? I thought so around
ten years ago, that's why instead of getting older and wiser I
participated in and wrote about the collective-name movements in my
early forties, while my peers were getting their tenure in the
universities. If you are curious to read some stories about it (but it's
still fairly theoretical I'm afraid) check out the title essay of the
book I mentioned:
http://tinyurl.com/unleashing-phantoms
In reply to Jodi, yes, my intention is to look into a prepolitical,
fundamentally aesthetic dimension of social existence from which new
forms of organized solidarity can arise. And I do agree that temporary
outburts of resistance are not really that important. But the reason I
do not believe in the sheer communist invocation of collectivity or
commonality (the choice of words matters little imho) is that the
communist invocation is inoperative, the solidarity is not happening.
There are real reasons for this, forms of social and affective control
which render former modes of political organization obsolete. The major
one, which obviously long predates the kinds of digital media we talk
about on this list, is the bureaucratization of the workers' movement in
the core countries, and the transformation of struggles for workers'
autonomy into negotiations over wages, which in their turn function as
consumer spending to prime the Keynesian pump of meaningless production
that can only be stuffed down our throats by manipulative advertising.
I referred in an earlier discussion to James Boggs' 1964 book, The
American Revolution, which has a lot to say about the dead end that the
workers' movement had come to as early as the postwar period. You cannot
just reverse this kind of historical development by invoking
collectivity, not of the old working-class variety anyway. What we have
in the USA, and increasingly in Europe as the social-democratic and
socialist parties fade away, are nationalist and racist working classes
that have been successfully manipulated into defending their privileged
place on the world labor market - or rather, into defending the
increasingly false perception that they have a privileged place... Now,
why does that kind of ideology work? Why could Bush command the popular
support he got for his insane policies? The answer is historical, it has
mainly to do with capitalism's successful neutralization of the
working-class movements in the core countries. So, while Marx remains a
great philosopher and there is a lot to be learned from the many
different attempts at establishing communism, there is almost nothing to
be gained by just exhorting people to act collectively - or by harking
back to the good old days of the communist party, social democracy, the
welfare state, etc.
Now, we could also consider what are called the middle classes, whose
numbers have risen with the expansion of white-collar labor of all
kinds. Earlier on this list we considered the very interesting idea
(offered by Jodi in one of her texts) that the American middle classes
are afflicted by denied guilt for having abandoned the institutional
solidarities of the welfare state, which had largely created those same
middle classes by helping working people to rise out of ignorance and
destitution through education, health care, decent lodging, access to
leisure and culture, etc. I think that is a very insightful idea that
explains certain things about present-day middle-class behaviors, but
one that should not cover up two key things. The first is that students
in the 60s and 70s (the future middle classes of the 80s and 90s) were
largely right to revolt against the bureaucratic capitalist structures
that had already largely ruined the welfare state. And the second thing
not to forget is that the organized conspiracy of this country's elites
that led the same middle classes down to abandon their parents' and
grandparents' solidarities -- a conspiracy which, after some 40 years,
is finally becoming understood (still by only a small minority of the
population) under the heading of "neoliberalism." (By the way, just saw
that Philip Mirowski has come out with a useful edited volume of source
texts establishing the genealogy of that concept/conspiracy).
Social control is real, that's the problem. It is organized by elites
and imposed on the different classes, regional groups, ethnicities etc.
There are many forms of it. I am claiming that one of them, which has
been layered onto and has partially superseded the Fordist-Keynesian
mode of control I mentioned above, is the new hyper-individualization
stimulated by electronic media, within the context of the fast-moving
economic regime known by the regulation theorists as flexible
accumulation. There is ample evidence that this hyper-individualization
has been going on since the 1980s, and while the idea of celebrity
subjectivities sounds quite interesting in the social-media context, it
surely does not cover all the ways we are individualized by
surveillance, consumer seduction, speculative investment, etc. I have
written a great deal about such things, which I will not repeat here.* I
have also participated in activist experiments that aim precisely at
overcoming such barriers to political organization. And once again, I
don't think you will get anywhere by just telling flexible individuals
that they should behave collectively! The question of activist
aesthetics is how to open up new feelings and concepts of solidarity
among the increasingly precarious middle classes of which most of us on
this list are a part -- feelings and concepts which are perhaps
comparable to the historical ones forged in the course of the workers'
movements, but necessarily different. However, I am not at all sure my
ideas and attempts have been the right ones, so I am quite interested to
hear others. Plus, the question of the marginalized and excluded classes
and their relations to the forms of social control could and definitely
should be raised...
best, BH
*For the most relevant texts:
http://transform.eipcp.net/transversal/1106/holmes/en
http://brianholmes.wordpress.com/2007/09/09/future-map
http://brianholmes.wordpress.com/2007/05/03/the-speculative-performance
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